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Recent eLetters

Displaying 1-10 letters out of 246 published

  1. First, Do No Harm

    The practice of living organ donation requires living persons to be willing to donate and medical practitioners to perform the surgical interventions. In the case of the vast majority of kidney donors, there is no doubt of their altruistic motives; indeed one could argue that donating their kidneys constitutes a supererogatory act on their part. The moral difficulty, however, lies with the medical practitioner performing an invasive surgical procedure to remove a healthy organ from a healthy patient. Najma Maple and colleagues [1] assume that just because the majority of persons are willing to undergo medical procedure x with risk y, their willingness implies that it is morally acceptable for medical practitioners to perform x. This implication is problematic. Living kidney donation not only results in the obvious effects of any surgery (post- surgical pain, lost work time, etc.), but also carries both short- and long-term health risks. Short-term risks for donors range from infection to bleeding up to death [for a summary, see 2]. Long-term risks include a rise of an average of 5-mm Hg of systolic blood pressure ten years after kidney donation surgery [3] (in one study, 37.5% of donors became hypertensive [4]), and kidney problems up to end-stage renal failure [4,5]. From a population health perspective, living kidney donors are at high risk of progressing to end-stage chronic kidney disease and ultimately requiring either dialysis or a kidney transplant over their lifetime. Effectively, living kidney donation practice can no longer be considered as solving but exacerbating a future epidemic of end-stage kidney disease in a population, and for society to deal with in 20-30 years later. This population health problem will amplify future crisis of kidney shortage for transplantation and burden an already strained health care system.

    The principle of nonmaleficence (do no harm) forbids a medical practitioner from performing actions that harm the health of a patient. In the case of renal transplantation (and a fortiori, in cases of transplantation of other solid organs), the risks to the donor are significant. Even if nonmaleficence were considered to be a prima facie duty, the risks to kidney donors are too great for the good gained for the recipient to override this fundamental principle of medicine.

    References

    1 Maple NH, Hadjianastassiou V, Jones R, Mamode N. Understanding the risk in living donor nephrectomy. J Med Ethics 2010;36:142-7, doi: 10.1136/jme.2009.031740.

    2 Potts M, Evans DW. Is solid organ donation by living donors ethical? The case of kidney donation. In: Weimar W, Bos MA, Busschbach JJ (Eds.), Organ Transplantation: Ethical, Legal, and Psychosocial Aspects, pp. 377-81. Lengerich: Papst Science Publishers, 2008.

    3 Boudville N, Ramesh Prasad GV, Knoll G et al. Meta-analysis: risk for hypertension in living kidney donors. Ann Intern Med 2003;145:185-96.

    4 Azar SA. Nakhjavani MK, Faragi A et al. Is living kidney donation really safe? Transplant Proc 2007;39:822-3.

    5 Kido R, Shibagaki Y, Iwadoh K et al. How do living kidney donors develop end-stage renal disease? Am J Transplant 2009;9:2514-19.

    Conflict of Interest:

    None declared

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  2. Transplantable organs don't come from cadavers

    However else they might be described, the obviously living, functioning, bodies of 'brain stem dead' organ donors are certainly not cadavers - which are dead bodies, corpses (OED). The perpetuation of their misrepresentation, unfortunately propagated by the Department of Health[1] in 1983, prejudices all attempts to assess the true level of public acceptance of organ transplantation practice.

    1. Cadaveric organs for transplantation. A Code of Practice including the diagnosis of brain death. Health Departments of Great Britain and Northern Ireland, February 1983.

    Conflict of Interest:

    None declared

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  3. Refusal to biobank: patients VS general population

    Editor, I read the recent publication by Melas et al with a great interest [1]. Melas et al concluded that "the results suggest a need for guidelines on benefit sharing, as well as trustworthy and stable measures to maintain privacy, as a means for increasing personal relevance and trust among potential participants in genetic research [1]." Indeed, Johnsonn et al recently published a paper in BMJ and mentioned that "Refusal to consent to biobank research in Sweden is rare [2]." The difference shown in the two investigations might imply that present practical protocols are good and acceptable for patients but not for the general population. The thing to be done is to create new protocols, new means to provide information, and to generate trust among general population.

    References

    1. Melas PA, Sjo:holm LK, Forsner T, Edhborg M, Juth N, Forsell Y, Lavebratt C. Examining the public refusal to consent to DNA biobanking: empirical data from a Swedish population-based study. J Med Ethics. 2010 Feb;36(2):93-8.

    2. Johnsson L, Hansson MG, Eriksson S, Helgesson G. Patients' refusal to consent to storage and use of samples in Swedish biobanks: cross sectional study. BMJ. 2008 Jul 10;337:a345.

    Conflict of Interest:

    None declared

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  4. Coercion undermines autonomy regardless of patient preference

    Dear Editor,

    We read with interest the paper by Chenaud and colleagues. Patient preferences regarding consent for research into critical illness are an important and poorly researched area and they are to be congratulated for their work.

    The poor response rate in their study is a serious limitation the authors acknowledge but even accepting this we would draw different conclusions.

    As the authors correctly state, responses from patients and relatives during an ICU stay are "prone to bias due to anxiety, depression and coercion". The fact that 25% of matched relative patient pairs did not feel free in their decision to participate in a study, despite answering the questionnaire 3 years later, reinforces the belief that ICU situations make coercion a strong possibility. There is however little value in confirming that patients relieved of these influences can, and would wish to, consent for inclusion in research. The pressing question is whether patients and relatives can take autonomous decisions regardless of such influences, for that is what they are being asked to do. If we determine that patients cannot reliably make truly autonomous decisions in such circumstances, then additional or alternative procedures will have to be adopted if research in this population is to continue. This remains the case regardless of patient and relative views on the issue years after their admissions.

    Yours sincerely

    Dr. Daniel Harvey, Specialist Registar & Dr. Dale Gardiner, Consultant, Intensive Care Unit, Nottingham University Hospitals, UK.

    Conflict of Interest:

    None declared

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  5. Focus on autonomy neglects the essential role of personal interconnectedness

    Informed consent involves several challenges in palliative care including patient autonomy, patient competency, advanced directives, and interpreting the family's role. The goal at the end of the day is the same --providing a quality death served under the best interests of the patient.[1] Dreyer et al. presented key findings in their study including relatives' lack of understanding of their role in decision-making, lack of end-of-life knowledge, and a lack of understanding the concept of patient autonomy. The study illustrated the importance of enforcing national guidelines and internal routines in institutions in order to protect patients who are not competent to give consent. Although the study was performed adequately, the conclusions drawn from the results may be undermined by its insufficient methodological details and in its lack of identification on issues of cross-cultural values during end-of-life.

    Critical steps in the methodology were not addressed. Firstly, it was reported that 8 out of 20 patients were deemed capable or partly capable of giving consent before death. However, the readers are given insufficient information on how patients' competency was evaluated. Secondly, how were relatives' knowledge of ethical and legal considerations examined? Considering the complex nature of these concepts, they may be difficult to evaluate or interpret. Thirdly, although the study explored relatives' subjective experiences retrospectively, the authors did not state this as a limitation. It is widely accepted that retrospective accounts are limited by problems of memory and recall and since palliative care is associated with intense grief, it may lead relatives to repress certain memories or alternatively, disguise them. As a result, this can significantly impact conclusions drawn from these interviews.

    This study also overlooks the attitudes of patients from different cultures and religions that may hold divergent views from that of Western medicine.[1] This is especially important when considering patient autonomy. In many developed nations, the value of independence is the ethical and legal foundation of contemporary medicine--a belief in the uniqueness and sovereignty of each individual life.[2] This focus on self- determination neglects the essential role of personal interconnectedness and the social and moral meaning of inter-relationships that holds utmost importance in many eastern cultures and religions.[1, 2] This may explain the findings presented by Dreyer et al. reporting that relatives lack an understanding of patient autonomy and demonstrated a high degree of paternalism. Although healthcare professionals seldom agree with paternalistic views, this outlook may not be uncommon in many cultures that believe it protects the patient from undue harm and additional suffering. Moreover, due to our differences in interpreting the meaning of illness and/or death, we may not appreciate other cultures' approaches to handling end-of-life issues. This may explain the finding that reported that relatives rely largely on doctor's decisions (common in many cultures) and they had little to no discussion regarding death as it is commonly personified as a "taboo" subject.[3] Considering that many cultures are apprehensive about communicating about death with their relatives, it may not be unreasonable that written living wills or advanced directives are frequently not in place.

    Although I am in agreement with the authors that patient autonomy should be valued, autonomy need not be considered a direct conflict with the notion of paternalism. The authors quoted a study reporting 70% of competent elderly patients wanted the family and physician to make decisions during end-of-life rather than it being based on previously stated wishes.[4] This finding may help us appreciate that non-autonomous decisions can be the expressed wishes of the individual, similar to the beliefs of many ethnic cultures. In order to bring these views to the forefront while respecting patient autonomy and family dynamics, healthcare workers must focus on open and balanced communication. When necessary, mediation through the involvement of neutral third parties can be a useful tool.[2]

    It is imperative to stress the importance of a detailed methodology and address the limitations of the study as it allows readers to recognize the extent to which the conclusions are drawn. It is equally important to appreciate the significance of cross-cultural awareness during end-of-life care. These allow for studies to be carried out with a sound methodology and also facilitates in implementing guidelines that account for the dimensions of patient interests, family wishes and cross-cultural values.

    References

    1. Bowman K, Ebrahim S. Understanding and respecting cultural differences in end-of-life care. In: Hawryluck L, Hodder R, ed. End-of- Life Communication in the ICU. Ottawa: CRI Critical Care Education Network, 2008.

    2. Bowman KW. Communication, negotiation and mediation: Dealing with conflict in end-of-life decisions. J Palliat Care 2000;16 Supplement:S17- S23.

    3. Rando TA. Loss and Anticipatory Grief. Toronto: Lexington Books, 1986.

    4. Puchalski CM, Zhong Z, Jacobs M.M., et al. Patients who want their family and physician to make resuscitation decisions for them: observations from SUPPORT and HELP. Study to understand prognoses and preferences for outcomes and risks of treatment. Hospitalized Elderly Longitudinal Project. J Am Geriatr 2000;48(5 Supplement):S84-S90.

    Conflict of Interest:

    None declared

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  6. Public opinion is a key component to debate on animal experiments

    Dear Sir

    The article by Dr Hobson-West (The role of public opinion in the UK animal research debate) contains an interesting discussion about the extent to which public opinion should guide the ethical debate about animal research (and indeed other controversial issues).

    Our view is that it is a key component in the debate. The cost:benefit test which lies at the heart of the UK legislation is a value-laden judgement, albeit one informed by scientific knowledge. Is it ever right to inflict physical suffering on an innocent individual (human or non-human), without consent, when he or she is not intended to benefit from the suffering? How much suffering (if any) is acceptable? Does it depend on the species and, if so, why? Should it depend on whether a disease in question is life-threatening or debilitating?

    Should society if necessary just do without certain products, such that we do not need to worry about their safety? What about fundamental research, from which the benefits are by definition speculative. Should the researcher be required to demonstrate that there is a realistic chance that his use of animals will lead to significant societal benefit? There is no arithmetical formula to be applied to these ethical questions. In a mature democracy, how they are answered should reflect public opinion. They cannot be the sole preserve of researchers, and corporations should certainly not be allowed to set the ethical boundaries.

    But whatever account is taken of public opinion, there can, surely, be no question that it should be as informed as possible. The article fails to address this key question. Animal experiments are conducted under conditions of great secrecy, with researchers deciding what (if anything) to put in the public domain.

    This is the wrong approach. Given that animal experiments would, but for the special protection accorded by the law, otherwise constitute a criminal offence, the default position should be that everything should be publicly available, save for personal and genuinely commercially sensitive information. In that way, public opinion can be as informed as possible, and the ethical settlement will reflect the views of the populace as a whole rather than a self-appointed elite.

    Michelle Thew
    Chief Executive
    BUAV

    Conflict of Interest:

    None declared

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  7. Response to McLachlan

    The quote in the response by Hugh McLachlan is taken slightly out of context: the full sentence is "If we accept that it is bad for people to end their life with a period of suffering, it does not matter whether that period lasts 100 years, 100 days or 100 minutes: we should help them to die as soon as possible." This argument was aimed only at those who already agree that we should help people avoid prolonged periods of suffering.

    The comparison with people who don't want to die as virgins is not really valid: it may be a basic human impulse to have sex, but it is not a basic human impulse to have sex with someone because we feel sorry for them. However, it is a basic human impulse to help people avoid suffering. I would argue that we are morally obliged to help such people, and not only those who seek eudaimonia.

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  8. Diagnosing death

    Dr Miller's argument is based on the premises that (1) doctors must not kill patients; (2) brain-dead patients are alive; (3) procuring vital organs from brain-dead patients would cause their death (p618). As Dr Miller acknowledges, it is by no means certain that premise (1) stands, as doctors intentionally kill patients every day and this is accepted and acceptable to societies in which it takes place. The second premise is also debatable. Dr Miller takes the view that the condition of whole brain death is equivalent to continuing life, but I would argue that whole brain death is death. There is only one organ death that matters, only one organ death that cannot be replaced by technology or allogeneic transplantation, only one organ death that removes from us everything that we think of as human and ourselves, and that is the brain. There is no need to think in terms of death of the human and death of the organism as if they were fundamentally different in character. All that matters to us is whether or not our brain is dead. The diagnosis of death by whole brain criteria identifies a situation where there is irreversible loss of function of this organ. Radiological tests of cerebral blood flow are used in some jurisdictions to confirm the clinical diagnosis of brain death. In these cases there is no blood flow to the brain (substantially different from the case in ventilator dependent quadriplegia and in persistent vegetative state). Where there is no flow there cannot be any function. The diagnosis of death by cardiopulmonary criteria, which includes an assessment of brain function, is a convenient bedside assessment that merely identifies a situation where the brain cannot, at present, function. Usually this is accepted as final, and the situation allowed to proceed to irreversible brain death, but in some cases we choose to intervene and attempt cardiopulmonary/cardiocerebral resuscitation. So, death by cardiopulmonary criteria does not provide certainty as a proportion of those who fulfil the criteria could and do survive. It is not a 'gold standard' test for death. Given that what matters is irreversible death of the brain, Dr Miller's second premise fails, and the third with it.

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  9. It does not follow that we ought to help those who want to die to die

    David Shaw has written a very good, erudite article on euthanasia, which is a pleasure to read. However, he is mistaken when he says: ‘If we accept that it is bad for people to end their life with a period of suffering … we should help them to die as soon as possible’. (p. 531) This does not follow. From the premise that it would be good were something or other to happen, we cannot validly conclude that we – in general or in particular – are morally obliged to act in such a way that the supposedly good thing comes about.

    It might, for instance, be bad for people to die as virgins if they do not want to or to die unmarried but it does not follow that we are morally obliged to have sex with or to marry terminally ill people. Some people might want to die; they might need to die in order to obtain eudainonia. It does not follow that we are morally obliged to kill them or, in some way or other, to help them to die. It does not follow that euthanasia should be legal far less that it should be available on the NHS.

    Of course, it might be true that we are morally obliged to help those who want to die to die and that euthanasia should be legal.

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  10. Response to Patrone

    Body integrity identity disorder is a very rare condition where sufferers experience longstanding anguish because there is a mismatch between their bodies, and their internal image of how their bodies should be. Most typically, the person is deeply distressed by the presence of what they openly acknowledge as a perfectly normal leg. Some sufferers request their limb be amputated.1 We and others have argued that such requests should be acceded to in carefully selected patients.1-4 As a result our group at the University of Sydney is developing a programme to better understand and treat BIID, which will offer amputation if appropriate.

    In a recent paper, Patrone argues that such amputations should be prohibited.5 He suggests that authors supporting amputation in BIID depend on analogies with more familiar conditions and then claim that the “the desires, choices and requests of BIID patients should be held to exactly the same standards and treated with exactly the same respect as the desires, choices and requests of any more conventional patient”.5 He believes that these analogies are invalid and that therefore the arguments for amputation are invalid.

    Patrone concentrates a great deal upon whether or not a decision to have a particular medical intervention is to be regarded as “rational”. Unfortunately he makes no attempt to define what he means by “rational”, so it will be necessary to clarify this before proceeding. We will take a decision about medical treatment to be rational if it manifests reasonable practical reasoning that is based on agreed or accepted premises.

    COSMETIC SURGERY ANALOGIES

    Patrone seems to believe that the singularly unusual nature of the BIID sufferer’s request may be enough to conclude that they are “as a type” incapable of making a rational decision about amputation. Believing that supporters of amputation may share this view, he suggests that supporters draw analogies with people who request radical cosmetic surgery, because, he says, in these cases “whether or not the patient’s motivations are rational is taken to be irrelevant to their ability to make this decision”.5

    He has completely missed the point of these analogies. Supporters of amputation do not draw analogies to cosmetic surgery because surgeons don’t care if a patient’s request is rational. Cosmetic surgeons go to great lengths to assure themselves that their patients’ requests for surgery are valid.6 Supporters of amputation draw analogies to radical cosmetic surgery to demonstrate the very thing Patrone finds so hard to understand - that surgeons will ethically accede to requests for even bizarre body modification if the patient is competent to request it, and if it is generally in the patient’s best interests overall.

    Patrone also suggests that the cosmetic surgery analogy is flawed because amputation, unlike cosmetic surgery, “necessarily entails permanent disability” and “serious harm”.5 There are two problems with this line of reasoning. First, many requests for body-modification, frequently acceded to, are permanent and do carry a degree of associated disability. The prime example of this, an analogy that Patrone studiously avoids throughout his paper, is gender reassignment surgery, but irreversibility and some measure of disability are also associated with a variety of other body modifications such as facelifts, breast reductions and augmentations and penile implants. The second problem is that the harm that will follow such modifications, has to be weighed against the benefits that such operations are aimed at achieving.

    Some women who undergo breast reduction will permanently lose their ability to breastfeed. However, for women who have spent their lives uncomfortable with the size of their breasts, or who are burdened by related backache, the harm associated with an inability to breastfeed is seen as minor compared with the relief of suffering they hope to gain with surgery. We have now seen five patients with BIID who have wanted a leg removed. All recognised that amputation would involve a degree of disability, but all regarded this as a small price to pay to relieve their suffering. All were keen to obtain a prosthesis to minimise any disability.

    THE JEHOVAH’S WITNESS ANALOGY

    In their defence of amputation, Bayne and Levi suggest an analogy with Jehovah’s Witnesses’ refusal of blood products, to demonstrate that we should not ignore a patient’s request merely because we do not agree with the benefits that they feel they will accrue.2 Patrone attacks this analogy on acts/omissions grounds, suggesting that those who opt for treatment “divert medical resources away from other patients … put[ting] other patients in danger”, while those who simply refuse treatment, do not. This is simply wrong. Sometimes a patient’s decision to refuse treatment consumes considerably more resources than a decision to accept treatment. It is well known that Jehovah’s Witnesses’ who undergo major surgery consume considerably more resources than other patients – longer stays in ICU for example - precisely because they have refused blood products.7

    PATRONE’S ANOREXIA NERVOSA ANALOGY

    Having rejected analogies commonly used to support elective amputation, Patrone offers his own analogous condition to oppose it – anorexia nervosa. Patrone sees anorexia as “the best analogy with BIID”, because both disorders are thought to concern “a discrepancy between body type and body image, and both express themselves in patient choices that, were they respected would cause serious physical harm”.

    In equating of anorexia with BIID, Patrone reveals a profound misunderstanding of the phenomenology of both conditions. Patients with severe anorexia nervosa believe they are too fat, even when their body weight is so low as to be virtually incompatible with life. They refuse food because they do not want to be “so fat”. Their decision not to eat cannot be regarded as rational because the premise that they are fat could not be accepted by anyone. People with BIID say that the presence of their limb does not comply with their internalised image of their body and this discord causes them enormous distress. There is no objective way of assessing a person’s internalised body image, and only indirect ways of assessing a person’s distress. Unless there are reasons for believing that the person is deliberately dissembling, we will tend to accept their report as true. If this premise is accepted, then, with no other available remedy for their distress, amputation, even with its inherent problems, seems a rational choice to make.

    CONCLUSION

    Requests for amputation in BIID are analogous to requests for cosmetic mammoplasty or gender reassignment surgery. People with BIID are deeply distressed by the presence of their limb, and some reason rationally that since other mechanisms aimed at relieving their suffering have failed, they will seek amputation in the hope that it may succeed. When Patrone arrogantly asserts that “BIID patients lack the perspective from which to make informed evaluative choices about their options (options that, it must be stressed, include living with the disorder as psychologically frustrated but able bodied)” it is abundantly clear that he doesn’t understand the disorder, for it is just this choice that many sufferers have spent their lives grappling with.

    REFERENCES

    1. Ryan CJ. Out on a limb: the ethical management of body integrity identity disorder. Neuroethics 2009;2(1):21-33.

    2. Bayne T, Levy N. Amputees by choice: Body integrity identity disorder and the ethics of amputation. Journal of Applied Philosophy 2005;22(1):75-86.

    3. Savulescu J. Autonomy, the good life and controversial choices. In: Rhodes R, Francis L, Silvers A, editors. The Blackwell Guide to Medical Ethics. New York: Blackwell; 2006.

    4. Ryan CJ. Amputating healthy limbs. Issues 2009;86(March):31-33.

    5. Patrone D. Disfigured anatomies and imperfect analogies: body integrity identity disorder and the supposed right to self-demanded amputation of healthy body parts. Journal of Medical Ethics 2009;35:541- 542.

    6. Crerand CE, Franklin ME, Sarwer DB. Body dysmorphic disorder and cosmetic surgery. Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery 2006;118:167e-180e.

    7. Savulescu J. The cost of refusing treatment and equality of outcome. Journal of Medical Ethics 1998;24:231-236.

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